This is certainly also hard to confirm within excavation reports purely because if the building no more exists then there might be evidence of a floor plan
Exactly What it is more possible to assume is that the presence of loom weights in a few regions of the home, such as the courtyard, would suggest that these areas were focused on females (Allison, 1999: 71). In Roman society women might have done the weaving within the forecourts of the home as it was the ‘well-lit area of the home’ (Allison: 1999: 70).
In comparing the houses from the two societies being studied it is clear that we now have some spaces that certain society demonstrates that the other doesn’t. For example, in Greek houses wells for water are frequent (Goldberg, 1999: 153); this is not something which is mentioned within sources on Roman housing. Neither did Roman houses include a room simply for the objective of male entertaining. Even the atriumwasusedby women for weaving (Allison, 1999: 71).
It is possibly also worth noting that from the sources included within this study there’s been no mention of urban villas having a second floor. However, you will find examples where houses are situated above shops such as for instance in Ostia (Storey, 2001) and are also raised off the ground. This is certainly also hard to confirm within excavation reports purely because if the building no more exists then there might be evidence of a floor arrange for the floor floor, but no proof of the 2nd floor would remain.
With studies like that one we encounter issues. To actually investigate this topic, more research needs to be achieved which links the artefacts which are uncovered and exactly what this could easily inform us concerning the household they were found within. It is not safe to assume that just because something ended up being found in an area that this is where it belonged long haul, an excavation is just a ‘diachronic sample of debris reflecting patterns of use and behaviour over a long period’ (Ault et al., 1999: 52), and this snapshot associated with household might not be totally accurate.
Through the span of writing this essay it has been observed that conclusions are hard to draw due to the nature associated with material being handled. For example, the irregular layout of Greek housing means that patterns are not easily identified because they are in Roman housing, you will find of course similarities between them and patterns within the rooms that most frequently appear but there is no rigid layout this means we are able to predict what we will discover, for example, not all houses had andronesand some houses had second floors whereas others did not. Another fact to be taken into consideration is the fact that lot of the uses of these rooms is speculative. There is little evidence from primary sources from the time concerning the uses for rooms, where historians have suggested an use for a room they are doing so using the artefacts that is not always accurate (Allison, 2004).
It is difficult to directly compare the two kinds of housing due to the fact Greeks and Romans start their housing in various means, aided by the Greeks dividing the home into genders, something which doesn’t happen in Roman architecture.
This may be a really limited cross area over the two societies and their houses leading to the conclusions being restricted to urban houses and poorer houses might have been different once again. This would be something to appear into further. Therefore, ‘we remain woefully uninformed about many of the patterns of social and economic relationships within and between households’ (Ault et al., 1999: 44).
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ended up being the ‘Dark Age’ of Greece really dark? Assess the Kinds of Evidence we now have with this Period of Greek Archaeology
The purpose of this essay would be to explore if the ‘Dark Age’ of Greece really was a dark, bleak time in the nation’s history through thinking about the archaeological evidence found for conditions during this time period. The Dark Age of Greece, also called the Homeric Age, the Geometric Period or the Greek Dark Ages, is dated c.1000-750 B.C. It was the time that used the collapse of the Mycenaean palatial civilisation while the state-level system of government that supported it (Alcock, 2012: 134). The Dark Age therefore covers the time dating from the end of the Mycenaean palatial civilisation around 1100-1000 B.C. to your beginnings associated with establishment for the Greek city states within the ninth century B.C.
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Archaeological finds claim that the Bronze Age civilisation experienced a collapse within the Eastern Mediterranean world the Dark Age when the cities and palaces established by the Mycenaean’s were abandoned or destroyed (Lemos, 2002: 193). After several major towns from Gaza to Troy collapsed fewer settlements remained and the ones which did showed signs of famine and a population decline (Alcock, 2012: 134). Furthermore, Greek culture was in decline throughout the Dark Age due to the fact Linear B writing associated with Greek language utilized by Mycenaean bureaucrats not survived (Colavito, 2014: 50). Also, the decoration available on Greek pottery produced after c.1100 B.C. is less ornamental than that on Mycenaean pottery and is instead restricted to simple, geometric styles (Kidner et al., 2009: 69). As well as this, it had been believed that throughout the Dark Age all communication ceased between your mainland of Greece and foreign capabilities, leading to deficiencies in cultural growth and progress (Colavito, 2014: 50). However, the excavation of Lefkandi which began within the early 1980s challenged this belief due to the fact site indicated that significant cultural and trade links remained in position between the Greek Islands additionally the East from around 900 B.C. onwards (Whitley, 2001: 78). Thus, archaeological evidence shows that not all areas of Greece were isolated or went into decline throughout the Dark Age.
To explore these points at length, the following paragraphs will show arguments for the Dark Ages being truly ‘dark’ based on archaeological evidence, after which it it is suggested that archaeological evidence does exist, especially from Lefkandi, which suggests otherwise. Following this, conclusions are presented on this topic.
exactly why the Mycenaean palatial civilisation collapsed remains under dispute. One theory is that the Dorian people invaded, destroying the Mycenaean palaces and therefore the infrastructure the Mycenaeans had created (Lemos, 2002: 191). The issue with this theory is that Mycenaean archaeological material that has been found dates to a period many years after the invasion supposedly happened. Furthermore, areas where the Dorians purportedly settled, such as for instance Laconia, remained depopulated until later within the tenth century B.C. (Lemos, 2002: 192).
However, Desborough argues that the available archaeological evidence is actually in line with two major invasions happening. He shows that the first invasion ended up being accountable for the catastrophe that happened at the conclusion associated with Late Helladic IIIB, approximately 1200 B.C., after which it the invaders withdrew from the sites they’d destroyed while they remained a threat for some of Central Greece while the Peloponnese through the Late Helladic IIIC (Lemos, 2002: 192). Following this invasion, Desborough argues that a second wave of arrivals, most likely from the North-West of Greece arrived which is this group that then account for the changes that happened later within the period (Lemos, 2002: 192). Desborough also shows that the Dorians were only linked to the first wave of invasion. He argues that the second wave of invaders were a separate number of newcomers because of the different archaeological features that emerge; such as the adoption of single burials while the introduction of new dress ornaments (Lemos, 2002: 192).
But Desborough’s theory is disputed by Snodgrass who shows that the changes that heralded the Dark Age weren’t due to either invaders or new interlopers. Alternatively, he shows that it had been as a result of revival associated with Middle Helladic Substream, i.e. an overthrow of the Mycenaean palatial civilisation ended up being initiated by the low classes (Lemos, 2002: 192). This overthrow is reflected by the low socio-economic archaeological options that come with this period such as for instance single burials while the use of handmade pots (Lemos, 2002: 192-193). However, neither of these theories are provable. The only real certainty is the fact that a crisis happened at the conclusion associated with Mycenaean period leading to a decline in population and social, economic and political upheaval.
The Dark Age of Greece began around 1100 B.C. when many settlements were abandoned; an event that indicates that a severe population decline began for this date (Whiley, 2001: 79). This event has been related to a combination of social and financial crisis (Thomas and Conant, 1999: 85-86).
It has been said that:
‘Some associated with Aegean regions were abandoned, while some were populated and then destroyed or abandoned once again. People went so far as Cyprus and Cilicia in search of better and safer places to reside. This mobility is well-documented within the archaeological record and comes with an crucial effect within the crystallization of conditions within the Aegean while the eastern Mediterranean at the conclusion associated with Late Bronze Age’ (Lemos, 2002: 193).
A pattern that continues throughout the Dark Age of Greece may be the appearance of post-Mycenaean refugee settlements from c.1250 B.C. onwards (Whitley, 2001: 77-78). Generally, these sparse, isolated settlements were located over 500m above sea level, including the one at Karphi. These settlements maintained the old traditions but population levels did not change throughout the Dark Age period, nor did any evolution or development happen (Whitley, 2001: 78). Dark Age settlement occupation patterns are also characterised by decline in population or partial ruin as seen at Mycenae or by continuity with new elements, such as increased consumption of cattle, as seen at Nichoria (Thomas and Conant, 1999: 85).
The Dark Age of Greece had a significant effect on the archaeological record due to the fact structure associated with countryside before the Dark Age was closely associated with palatial organisation. Consequently, the result of the Dark Age in archaeological terms was a decline in rural presence and a scarcity of settlements (Alcock, 2012: 134). Modern academics explain this decline by arguing that it was due to population decline, political chaos and a subsequent go back to pastoral activity, which renders fewer permanent traces in the countryside (Alcock, 2012: 134).
It is generally accepted that Dark Age communities were poor and isolated and Early Iron Age settlements in Greece while the surrounding area tended to be small and disconnected from wider civilisation (Whitley, 2001: 86). A good example of an average Dark Age archaeological settlement is Nichoria within the south-west of Peloponnese (modern and ancient Messenia).
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The late Bronze Age settlement at Nichoria ended up being characterised by rectilinear structures arranged in rows of streets. However, the settlement’s Dark Age predecessor ended up being found to consist of scattered home plots placed at odd angles to one another (Whitley, 2001: 84). One of these of a typical structure discovered by archaeologists and dating to your Dark Age period of settlement at Nichoria is Unit IV.1, which dates from the tenth century B.C. This building appears to have been rectangular fit and its walls were built from mud brick placed on stone foundations. The building ended up being crowned with a thatched roof that has been supported with a timber frame (Whitley, 2001: 84-85).
The layout and building type of mud brick on stone foundations, thatched roof and timber frame plus the scattered pattern of the settlements found to exist in tenth century B.C. Nichoria (Whitley, 2001: 84-85) are typical for the type of buildings found in Dark Age Greece. Over time, the rectangular buildings that dominated tenth century Nichoria evolved and offered way to semi-circular kinds which were larger than exactly what choose to go before them (Whitley, 2001: 85; McDonald et al., 1983: 317). Also, like many Dark Age settlements, Nichoria ended up being located near the sea, so although unfortified, it had been located in a strong position that protected it from outside attack (McDonald et al., 1983: 317).
It is difficult to compare the settlement patterns of Nichoria to those present at Lefkandi therefore the connected settlement of Xeropolis. However, Popham et al. (1980, p.7) observe that a few of the Dark Age settlement of the area ended up being surprisingly regular, rather more like the Bronze Age settlement at Nichoria than the sparse Dark Age dwellings mentioned by Whitley (2001, p.84). An identical regular pattern of habitation exists at the Xeropolis site (Popham et al., 1980: 7). As such, it would appear that, generally, settlement patterns in Dark Age Greece were sparse and scattered, possibly in a reaction to social, economic and political upheaval, but that this pattern ended up being by not a way universal as illustrated by the types of settlement patterns at Lefkandi and Xeropolis.
when it comes to the types of materials and proof of diet and sustenance found in Dark Age settlements in Greece the material deposits at Nichoria claim that the city ended up being materially poor.
for instance, some externally neighborhood wheel-made pottery has been found, along with a number of bone ornaments, some trinkets and some iron, all of that was manufactured in the location in which it had been found (Whitley, 2001: 85). Furthermore, no imported material ended up being available at Nichoria, indicating that it was a isolated settlement (Whitley, 2001: 85). But archaeological evidence does indicate that Dark Age Nichoria ended up being ‘rich’ in a single respect because it had a large supply of cattle and, therefore, meat. Analysis of animal bones available at Nichoria shows that far more cattle were being grazed at Nichoria throughout the Dark Age than was in the Bronze Age. This evidence ‘indicates that there was a switch away from reliance on cereal agriculture and pulses and towards herding of cattle’ throughout the Dark Age period (Whitley, 2001: 85). Although cereal production wasn’t abandoned at Nichoria throughout the Dark Age, the archaeological evidence implies that the rearing of cattle became even more important in this period and had a greater effect on the entire diet associated with residents within settlements than it did during other periods of Nichoria’s history (Whitley, 2001: 85). The key reason why this could be the case is the fact that herding was a even more practical economic strategy when labour was in brief supply because of population decline but land remained plentiful (Whitley, 2001: 85-86). Another exemplory case of large volumes of meat consumption at A dark Age site has been available at Kavousi Kastro and Kavousi Vronda within the uplands of Crete. However, in this area sheep/goat ended up being more frequently grazed than cattle. For instance, archaeological findings indicate that sheep accounted for 70 per cent of bones identified at both sites (838 from Vronda and 2164 from Kastro) (Whitley, 2001: 86). By way of contrast, cattle and pig only accounted for 5 to 8 per cent of most bones identified at both sites (Whitley, 2001: 86). Considerably, the Kavousi Kastro and Kavousi Vronda area has been heavily grazed by sheep and goats throughout history and this pattern continues to the current day (Whitley, 2001: 86). The types of archaeological findings at Nichoria, Kavousi Kastro and Kavousi Vronda therefore claim that subsistence techniques were in position across Greece that allowed the populace to survive during a downturn in the economy.
Archaeological evidence found at Lefkandi, on the south shores associated with island of Euboea directly challenges the indisputable fact that all areas of Greece were poor and isolated throughout the Dark Age. Lefkandi, like Nichoria, contains a loose assortment of households scattered over the neighbouring hills of Xeropolis and Toumba (Whitley, 2001: 86). Dark Age activity within the area goes to 1100 B.C. and ends around 750 B.C., the date once the Archaic Period begins (Whitley, 2001: 78-79). Based on archaeological finds in the areas, there were six associated cemeteries found at Xeropolis alongside the stays of a large proto-geometric building (Drissen, 1994: 252; Popham et al., 1993: 1; Whitley, 2001: 86-88). The chronology of Lefkandi could be particularly identified through the pottery styles on the site. These vary from those found that date from the sub-Mycenaean stage to the Late Geometric period (Popham et al., 1980: 7, 11-12). Considerably, at Xeropolis, evidence has been found to claim that the ‘lost wax’ process for casting bronze was already in use by 900 B.C. (Whitley, 2001: 86). Furthermore, the cemeteries available at the settlement in both Lefkandi and, especially, Toumba revealed a number of rich grave products. The six cemeteries on the site are situated close to the low hill slopes to your north of Xeropolis (Popham et al., 1980: 101). These include pottery imported from nearby Attica and an abundance of gold ornaments, bronze items and faience, the origins of which were traced to Phoenicia and Egypt (Popham et al., 1980: 109). However, the activity found in the cemeteries spans a shorter period than that of the total site record, corresponding with all the sub-Mycenaean to your sub-Protogeometric periods (c.1100-825 B.C) (Driessen, 1994: 252). This pattern of usage is consistent across all six cemeteries on the site; earlier activity ended up being found toward the north and east of every site and later activity within the south and west of every cemetery (Popham et al., 1980: 105). This shows that the cemeteries were in use for some associated with period and that the inhabitants of Lefkandi remained comfortably well off with access to exotic products for some associated with so-called Dark Age.
Furthermore, in 1981, archaeologists discovered a big, semi-circular building in the Toumba hill that has been constructed in a classy manner thought to be impossible within the context of tenth century B.C. Greece (Whitley, 2001: 86). It’s a large Protogeometric structure placed on the Toumba hillock so that it occupies the highest point associated with settlement and overlooks the nearby cemeteries (Popham et al., 1993: 1). The building ended up being 40 m in length and made of dressed stone wall and mud brick. It also had a external wall of post-settings to guide the roof (Whitley, 2001: 86). However, academics are uncertain in regards to what the building ended up being at it had been found to be unfinished and rich burials happen discovered underneath the floor but it is uncertain if the burials were in position prior to the mysterious building ended up being built (Whitley, 2001: 86). But even though reason for the building is uncertain the methods used to create it, alongside the rich grave products available at Lefkandi and Toumba ,as well as proof of the lost wax process happening at Xeropolis throughout the Dark Age shows that the time ended up being far more prosperous in this region than generally accepted.
It has been suggested that Lefkandi is atypical of Dark Age sites, instead of evidence that the Dark Age wasn’t totally a dark time for Greece. First, Lefkandi, unlike most Dark Age sites, is not a remote settlement (Whitley, 2001: 77-78). It’s also unlike other Cretan sites from the same period per cartographic analysis associated with area (Desborough, 1975: 675-676; 199). As the Euboean Gulf makes Lefkandi an isolated settlement, it’s only elevated 17m above sea level, cheaper than most Dark Age sites, such as for instance another Cretan Dark Age site, Karphi that is 500m above sea level (Whitley, 2001: 78). Furthermore, Lefkandi had two natural harbours, indicating that it was far from remote and inaccessible. Xeropolis is similarly atypical for the Greek Dark Age due to its unfortified coastal location and its dating to your Late Helladic era. As such, it may be argued that Lefkandi while the surrounding area may be an atypical example for the Dark Age period, possibly suggesting that this web site is definitely an exception rather than the rule for Dark Age Greece.
The archaeological evidence from Dark Age Greece is ambiguous when it comes to if the Dark Age really was ‘dark’ or otherwise not. If the plethora of evidence available at Nichoria is recognized as, it is apparent that it was a dark time for that settlement. Housing ended up being sparsely put down; materials only originated from the neighborhood and there were higher degrees of meat consumption than there have been within the Bronze Age. However, the archaeological evidence present at Lefkandi and its satellite settlements at Xeropolis and Toumba paints a different image. Here it is apparent that the neighborhood citizens had use of costly and exotic materials as evidenced by analysis of grave products available at burials at the six cemeteries in the region dating back to your Dark Age period. Similarly, a big mysterious building partly constructed in the Toumba hill shows that the neighborhood population had use of architectural skills and materials thought impossible in Dark Age Greece. Therefore, the exemplory case of Lefkandi seems to claim that Dark Age Greece was far less bleak and cut off from the wider world than previously thought. On the other hand, it may be suggested that Lefkandi is definitely an atypical example. The settlement is situated on a single associated with Greek islands and this area may happen less severely affected than mainland Greece. Furthermore, historical interpretation associated with end for the Mycenaean palatial civilisation by specialists such as for instance Desborough and Snodgrass shows that historical and archaeological evidence from this period is vague and available to interpretation. Thus, as the archaeological evidence found at Lefkandi is interesting and compelling, it is not clear whether it’s typical or atypical for the Dark Age period. As such, it could be argued that the Dark Age ended up being indeed a dark period of greece’s history.
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The mystery of package 9
Box 9 encompassed a complete skull, articulated pelvis and right femur, all from a single, unknown individual. Sex, age, ethnicity, height and pathology ended up being determined utilizing both metric and morphological forensic anthropological techniques. Metric analysis is advantageous since it’s easier to learn and reproduce, relies on standard landmarks, and results in fewer indeterminate conclusions (Giles, 1970). However, disadvantages range from the requirement for unfragmented bones and population-specific formulae. Therefore, if stays are burned or fragmented, a qualitative method is needed, however, these could be subjective and lack of consistency (Giles, 1970). Alongside this, facial reconstruction and DNA profiling provided further evidence to help recognize this individual.
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Pathology is important to think about before determining sex, age and ethnicity to stop bias. This individual has many common traits of acromegaly- a rare disorder caused by over-production of growth hormones from the pituitary gland, included in these are an enlarged skull, protruding mandible, mispositioned teeth and exorbitant bone outgrowth around sutures (Chapman, 2017). Although these features could also indicate gigantism, this individual’s pelvis and femur are within normal ranges, suggesting the problem ended up being acquired in adulthood which only occurs in acromegaly patients (NIDDK, 2012). Acromegaly progression is normally associated with type 2 diabetes, hypertension, osteoarthritis and severe muscle mass weakness, which, if left untreated, can lead to untimely death- it might also have caused this individual to have a stooped posture and frequent cardiovascular complications (Chapman, 2017). Due to the fact pelvis and femur have no signs of disease or damage, it’s unlikely this individual had osteoarthritis, however, absence of organs and muscles means other conditions cannot be ruled out as reason for death.
Ferembach’s (1980) qualitative method for skull sex determination indicated most features were hyper-male (see figure 1), however, a rough but medium thickness zygomatic process and a somewhat flexed posterior border associated with mandibular ramus showed neither man or woman characteristics. Despite this, overall, one can predict that this individual was male.
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Figure 1 shows options that come with the cranium and mandible that indicated hyper-male characteristics utilizing Ferembach’s (1980) method. 1: prominent glabella, 2: vertical mastoid process, 3: blunted supraorbital ridges, 4: inclined forehead, 5: quadrectangular orbitals and 6: robust, broad mandible.
Alternatively, Giles and Elliot’s (1963) discrimination function is really a quicker method with similar accuracy of 86.6%. Utilizing formula 1, outlined in Appendix D, a value of 2994.9 is obtained, also suggesting this individual was male, increasing reliability of conclusions. Krogman (1962) discovered that sexing the skull alone is 90% accurate, however, sexing the skull and pelvis together is 98% accurate. Therefore, to improve accuracy of final conclusions, the pelvis and femur need to be analysed too.
The pelvis is the most useful indicator of sex due to its adaptation for childbirth in females. Phenice’s (1969) morphological method utilizes 3 pubis traits to find out sex- one of that is the ventral arc, considered 96% accurate in determining sex (Sutherland and Suchey, 1991). Regrettably, this method produced mixed results for this pelvis, therefore, alternatively, Albanese’s (2003) metric analysis, outlined in Appendix B, utilizes the whole pelvis and femur to improve accuracy and reduce subjectivity of sex determination. Utilizing model 1, that has 98% accuracy, a value of 0.26 is obtained, suggesting this individual was female. Yet, model 2 and 3, that have 97% and 96.3% accuracy respectively, obtain 0.62 and 0.94, clearly indicating male. Although model 2 and 3 have lower accuracy, their matching outcome increases confidence and credibility, permitting someone to conclude this individual was male.
Bass (1978) found that a femur head diameter >47.5mm indicates male while < em>
nevertheless, cranial suture closure is recognized as unreliable and inaccurate since it often under‐ages older adults and over‐ages sub-adults (Molleson and Cox 1993). Furthermore, this individual’s acromegaly caused exorbitant outgrowth of bone across the sutures, potentially affecting their closure and, thus, impacting age determination. As a result, a far more reliable way of ageing the skull involves looking at dentition.
Teeth would be the least destructible area of the human body, making them exceptional for age estimation. No deciduous dentition and proof of tooth 8 alveolar processes indicate this individual was at least 18 years of age (Carr, 1962). Dental wear analysis provides more accurate age determination than those earlier mentioned since it examines enamel which cannot be remodelled. a widely used method involves analysing of mandibular molar wear (Miles 1963), nevertheless, as shown in figure 5 and 6, exorbitant ante- and postmortem tooth loss means only two mandibular molars can be found, preventing any valid age estimation.
Figure 5, photographs showing mandibular (A) and maxillary (B) dentition. 1) identifies the websites of postmortem tooth loss, 2) shows antemortem tooth loss, 3) shows alveolar processes of molar 3 and 4) shows regions of decay.
Figure 6, utilizing the University of Sheffield dental chart, shows which teeth are present, that have been extracted and any fractures seen.